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Revenge Versus Amnesty

August 25, 2008: Iraqi politics is still dominated by intense hatred of the Sunni Arab minority. For centuries, the Sunni Arabs dominated the region, especially the Shia Arab majority of southern Iraq. Between 1638 and 1918, central and southern Iraq were provinces of the Ottoman Turk empire. Northern Iraq, and its largely Kurdish population,  was part of the Turkish homeland. The Turks let the Sunni Arabs run what is now central and southern Iraq.

The Shia and Sunni Arabs were somewhat united after World War I, and Turk rule, ended in 1918. British rule lasted a decade before the three provinces were packaged into the new nation of Iraq. The British left behind a constitutional monarchy, but the better educated Sunni Arabs soon controlled the military and civil service. By the 1950s, the Sunni Arab army staged a coup and established a Sunni Arab dictatorship. The Kurds and Shia Arabs (80 percent of the population), resisted. And so began decades of civil strife. What really intensified the hatred was another coup in the 1960s, when the Baath Socialist Party took over from the army. Baath was nastier towards the Kurds and Shia. It got worse, when Saddam Hussein staged a coup and took over Baath in 1979. He promptly invaded Iran (which had recently been taken over by its Shia clergy and was stirring up the Iraqi Shia). This led to a decade of war that killed over half a million soldiers and burned up hundreds of billions of dollars worth of oil revenue.

Broke and bugged by Kuwait for repayment of war loans, Saddam invaded Kuwait in 1990. That resulted in UN sanctions unless Saddam gave up his chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programs. He refused to admit these programs had been dismantled in the early 1990s. He wanted Iran to believe Iraq still had chemical weapons, in order to dissuade Iran from resuming the war with a much weakened (by the 1991 defeat) Iraq. Saddam was particularly fearful of the Iranians because he had been increasingly savage in dealing with rebellions Iraqi Shias. Hundreds of thousands had been murdered, often tortured to death. Many more were beaten, jailed or terrorized. Many Iraqi Shia were fleeing to Iran and pleading for help to overthrow Saddam. But the Iranians believed Saddam still had his chemical weapons, and did not want their army to face nerve and mustard gas again. At least not as long as memories of the 1980s war were still fresh.

When the U.S. invaded in 2003, the Shia were soon in power, and eager for revenge. The subsequent Sunni terror campaign tried to scare the Shia off, but that didn't work. The U.S. Surge Offensive of 2007 finally crushed the Sunni Arab terrorists (especially al Qaeda, the major foreign participant) by getting most Sunni Arab leaders to switch sides. But now the Shia led government believes they can punish the Sunni Arab leaders, at least those with the most blood on their hands. Amnesty for Sunni Arabs has long (or at least since 2003) been a major factor in Iraqi politics. Not all Sunnis were guilty, but many were, and millions of Iraqi Shia who had suffered from Sunni terror (especially Saddams savage actions of the 1990s) wanted revenge. They wanted Sunni blood, and they had lists of  names. The Sunni killers were often known, and the fact that many of them were leaders in the Sunni Arab community meant nothing to the angry Shia. U.S. efforts to get the Shia to forgive and forget, for the sake of everyone's future, have failed. In this part of the world, revenge often trumps everything else, even common sense.

The government is still willing to offer amnesty, but wants far more guilty Sunni Arabs punished than the Sunni Arab community is willing to tolerate. The question is, will the Sunni Arabs resume their war against the government. Over the last five years, that war has caused about half the Sunni Arabs to flee their homes, and often the country as well. The Sunni Arabs are also aware that many, if not most, Shia and Kurds would like to see all Sunni Arabs expelled from Iraq. This radical notion is political dynamite, and the government won't go near it. Even the freewheeling Iraqi  media stays away from this. But on the streets, you hear it all the time. The Iraqi Sunni Arabs know that, if they resume large scale violence, it could be the end of Sunni Arabs in Iraq for a generation or more.

August 24, 2008: For the first time since 2003, a large crowd (100,000) assembled in Baghdad for a football (soccer) match.

August 19, 2008: One of the 30 elite ERUs (Emergency Response Units) raided the provincial headquarters of Diyala province, got into a gun battle with guards and local police, and arrested the head of the provincial security committee, and the head of a local university. Both are accused of supporting Sunni Arab terrorism. This raid caused an uproar, with Iraq's president denying he had ordered the action. Several members of the ERU involved were arrested.

The Emergency Response Units were formed in Sunni Arab areas and  have, in the past two years (especially since the surge offensive began) come under government control. The men for ERUs are recruited locally, and are often commanded by tribal leaders. This does not go down well with many members of the government. The ERUs are armed by the government, and supplied with other equipment. Many Shia Arabs believe this stuff will end up in the hands of Sunni Arab terrorists, who will use it to kill Shia Arabs. So far, the ERUs have been going after al Qaeda and Sunni Arab terrorists, but that might change. There are over 10,000 men in nearly 40 ERUs (details of these units are classified). American commanders consider the ERUs essential for keeping the peace, and keeping the Sunni Arab terrorists down, in Sunni Arab areas (particularly the Baghdad suburbs, and western Iraq.) The ERU cops get two to six weeks training, and the constant attention of American military and police advisors. There were no American advisors with the ERU that conducted the Diyala raid. The ERU in question was apparently a Shia one, and engaged in a political struggle between the Shia minority in Diyala, and the Sunni majority (which is now in charge via the "Awakening Council" and "Sons of Iraq" militias that turned on al Qaeda and Sunni terrorists.)

August 16, 2008: It's pilgrimage time, with hundreds of thousands of Shia faithful coming to shrines in southern Iraq. This year, 40,000 soldiers and police have been assigned to security. There are still several Sunni terrorist cells operating, and they see the pilgrims as major targets (because Sunni fanatics see Shia as heretics.) This year, there is much less danger of Shia factions fighting each other during the religious events, because the government has shut down many of the factions recently. The remaining factions are on their best behavior to avoid another crackdown.

August 15, 2008: The U.S. went public with an intelligence report (collected from numerous sources, including prisoners, captured documents and electronic eavesdropping) about Iran training Iraqi Shia death squads. Apparently, these killers will be sent back to Iraq, with specific targets (politicians who oppose Iranian influence on the Iraqi government). The U.S. revealed these findings in an attempt to get the Iranians to back off from this plan.

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ech2007       8/25/2008 10:27:49 PM
25 Iraqis died yesterday by a suicide bomber and guess what he was a Sunni attacking Sunnis eating dinner in Baghdad.
 
The Iraq conflict is so much more complex then the writer of this article makes it out to be. al-Qaeda has probably killed more Sunnis in the past two years then Shia. And, if Maliki thinks he can kill Sunni leaders in Diyala in hopes of affecting the provential election there in favor of SIIC and Dawa which is exactly what he is trying to do that he will fail as long as U.S. troops are there and active and President Bush is in power.
 
Maliki isn't after revenge in attacking Sunni leaders in Diyala, he is trying to affect the upcoming election. Its power not revenge that is at play here. Maliki isn't attacking Sunni leaders outside of Diyala, because this is a powerplay not revenge.
 
Quote    Reply

SAE    Saddam had WMD and Russia Moved Them   8/29/2008 1:22:59 PM

Ex-Official: Russia Moved Saddam's WMD

Tuesday, February 21, 2006 10:36 AM


Kenneth R. Timmerman

Sunday, Feb. 19, 2006
 
A top Pentagon official who was responsible for tracking Saddam Hussein's weapons programs before and after the 2003 liberation of Iraq, has provided the first-ever account of how Saddam Hussein "cleaned up" his weapons of mass destruction stockpiles to prevent the United States from discovering them.
 
"The short answer to the question of where the WMD Saddam bought from the Russians went was that they went to Syria and Lebanon," former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense John A. Shaw told an audience Saturday at a privately sponsored "Intelligence Summit" in Alexandria, Va. (www.intelligencesummit.org).
 
"They were moved by Russian Spetsnaz (special forces) units out of uniform, that were specifically sent to Iraq to move the weaponry and eradicate any evidence of its existence," he said.
 
Shaw has dealt with weapons-related issues and export controls as a U.S. government official for 30 years, and was serving as deputy undersecretary of defense for international technology security when the events he described today occurred.
 
He called the evacuation of Saddam's WMD stockpiles "a well-orchestrated campaign using two neighboring client states with which the Russian leadership had a long time security relationship."
 
Shaw was initially tapped to make an inventory of Saddam's conventional weapons stockpiles, based on intelligence estimates of arms deals he had concluded with the former Soviet Union, China and France.
 
He estimated that Saddam had amassed 100 million tons of munitions - roughly 60 percent of the entire U.S. arsenal. "The origins of these weapons were Russian, Chinese and French in declining order of magnitude, with the Russians holding the lion's share and the Chinese just edging out the French for second place."
 
But as Shaw's office increasingly got involved in ongoing intelligence to identify Iraqi weapons programs before the war, he also got "a flow of information from British contacts on the ground at the Syrian border and from London" via non-U.S. government contacts.
 
"The intelligence included multiple sitings of truck convoys, convoys going north to the Syrian border and returning empty," he said.
 
Shaw worked closely with Julian Walker, a former British ambassador who had decades of experience in Iraq, and an unnamed Ukranian-American who was directly plugged in to the head of Ukraine's intelligence service.
 
The Ukrainians were eager to provide the United States with documents from their own archives on Soviet arms transfers to Iraq and on ongoing Russian assistance to Saddam, to thank America for its help in securing Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union, Shaw said.
 
In addition to the convoys heading to Syria, Shaw said his contacts "provided information about steel drums with painted warnings that had been moved to a cellar of a hospital in Beirut."
 
But when Shaw passed on his information to the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and others within the U.S. intelligence community, he was stunned by their response.
 
"My report on the convoys was brushed off as ?Israeli disinformation,'" he said.
 
One month later, Shaw learned that the DIA general counsel complained to his own superiors that Shaw had eaten from the DIA "rice bowl." It was a Washington euphemism that meant he had commited the unpardonable sin of violating another agency's turf.
 
The CIA responded in even more diabolical fashion. "They trashed one of my Brits and tried to declare him persona non grata to the intelligence community," Shaw said. "We got constant indicators that Langley was aggressively trying to discredit both my Ukranian-American and me in Kiev," in addition to his other sources.
 
But Shaw's information had not originated from a casual contact. His Ukranian-American aid was a personal friend of David Nicholas, a Western ambassador in Kiev, and of Igor Smesko, head of Ukrainian intelligence.
 
Smesko had been a military attaché in Washington in the early 1990s when Ukraine first became independent and Dick Cheney was secretary of defense. "Smesko had told Cheney that when Ukraine became free of Russia he wanted to show his friendship for the United States."
 
Helping out on Iraq provided him with that occasion.
 
"Smesko had gotten to know Gen. James Clapper, now director of the Geospacial Intelligence Agency, but then head of DIA," Shaw said.
 
But it was Shaw's own friendship to the head of Britain's MI6 that brought it all together during a two-day meeting in London that included Smeshko's people, the MI6 contingent, and Clapper, who had been deputized by George Tenet to help work the issue of what happened to Iraq's WMD stockpiles.
 
In the end, here is what Shaw learned:
 
In December 2002, former Russian intelligence chief Yevgeni Primakov, a KGB general with long-standing ties to Saddam, came to Iraq and stayed until just before the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003.
 
Primakov supervised the execution of long-standing secret agreements, signed between Iraqi intelligence and the Russian GRU (military intelligence), that provided for clean-up operations to be conducted by Russian and Iraqi military personnel to remove WMDs, production materials and technical documentation from Iraq, so the regime could announce that Iraq was "WMD free."
 
Shaw said that this type GRU operation, known as "Sarandar," or "emergency exit," has long been familiar to U.S. intelligence officials from Soviet-bloc defectors as standard GRU practice.
 
In addition to the truck convoys, which carried Iraqi WMD to Syria and Lebanon in February and March 2003 "two Russian ships set sail from the (Iraqi) port of Umm Qasr headed for the Indian Ocean," where Shaw believes they "deep-sixed" additional stockpiles of Iraqi WMD from flooded bunkers in southern Iraq that were later discovered by U.S. military intelligence personnel.
 
The Russian "clean-up" operation was entrusted to a combination of GRU and Spetsnaz troops and Russian military and civilian personnel in Iraq "under the command of two experienced ex-Soviet generals, Colonel-General Vladislav Achatov and Colonel-General Igor Maltsev, both retired and posing as civilian commercial consultants."
 
Washington Times reporter Bill Gertz reported on Oct. 30, 2004, that Achatov and Maltsev had been photographed receiving medals from Iraqi Defense Minister Sultan Hashim Ahmed in a Baghdad building bombed by U.S. cruise missiles during the first U.S. air raids in early March 2003.
 
Shaw says he leaked the information about the two Russian generals and the clean-up operation to Gertz in October 2004 in an effort to "push back" against claims by Democrats that were orchestrated with CBS News to embarrass President Bush just one week before the November 2004 presidential election. The press sprang bogus claims that 377 tons of high explosives of use to Iraq's nuclear weapons program had "gone missing" after the U.S.-led liberation of Iraq, while ignoring intelligence of the Russian-orchestrated evacuation of Iraqi WMDs.
 
The two Russian generals "had visited Baghdad no fewer than 20 times in the preceding five to six years," Shaw revealed. U.S. intelligence knew "the identity and strength of the various Spetsnaz units, their dates of entry and exit in Iraq, and the fact that the effort (to clean up Iraq's WMD stockpiles) with a planning conference in Baku from which they flew to Baghdad."
The Baku conference, chaired by Russian Minister of Emergency Situations Sergei Shoigu, "laid out the plans for the Sarandar clean-up effort so that Shoigu could leave after the keynote speech for Baghdad to orchestrate the planning for the disposal of the WMD."
 
Subsequent intelligence reports showed that Russian Spetsnaz operatives "were now changing to civilian clothes from military/GRU garb," Shaw said. "The Russian denial of my revelations in late October 2004 included the statement that "only Russian civilians remained in Baghdad." That was the "only true statement" the Russians made, Shaw ironized.
 
The evacuation of Saddam's WMD to Syria and Lebanon "was an entirely controlled Russian GRU operation," Shaw said. "It was the brainchild of General Yevgenuy Primakov."
 
The goal of the clean-up was "to erase all trace of Russian involvement" in Saddam's WMD programs, and "was a masterpiece of military camouflage and deception."
 
Just as astonishing as the Russian clean-up operation were efforts by Bush administration appointees, including Defense Department spokesman Laurence DiRita, to smear Shaw and to cover up the intelligence information he brought to light.
 
"Larry DiRita made sure that this story would never grow legs," Shaw said. "He whispered sotto voce [quietly] to journalists that there was no substance to my information and that it was the product of an unbalanced mind."
 
Shaw suggested that the answer of why the Bush administration had systematically "ignored Russia's involvement" in evacuating Saddam's WMD stockpiles "could be much bigger than anyone has thought," but declined to speculate what exactly was involved.
 
Retired Air Force Lt. Gen. Thomas McInerney was less reticent. He thought the reason was Iran.
 
"With Iran moving faster than anyone thought in its nuclear programs," he told NewsMax, "the administration needed the Russians, the Chinese and the French, and was not interested in information that would make them look bad."
 
McInerney agreed that there was "clear evidence" that Saddam had WMD. "Jack Shaw showed when it left Iraq, and how."
 
 
Quote    Reply

Heorot       8/29/2008 3:07:08 PM


Ex-Official: Russia Moved Saddam's WMD


Tuesday, February 21, 2006 10:36 AM






Kenneth R. Timmerman


Sunday, Feb. 19, 2006

 


A top Pentagon official who was responsible for tracking Saddam Hussein's weapons programs before and after the 2003 liberation of Iraq, has provided the first-ever account of how Saddam Hussein "cleaned up" his weapons of mass destruction stockpiles to prevent the United States from discovering them.
 
"The short answer to the question of where the WMD Saddam bought from the Russians went was that they went to Syria and Lebanon," former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense John A. Shaw told an audience Saturday at a privately sponsored "Intelligence Summit" in Alexandria, Va. (www.intelligencesummit.org).
 
"They were moved by Russian Spetsnaz (special forces) units out of uniform, that were specifically sent to Iraq to move the weaponry and eradicate any evidence of its existence," he said.
 
Shaw has dealt with weapons-related issues and export controls as a U.S. government official for 30 years, and was serving as deputy undersecretary of defense for international technology security when the events he described today occurred.
 
He called the evacuation of Saddam's WMD stockpiles "a well-orchestrated campaign using two neighboring client states with which the Russian leadership had a long time security relationship."

 

Shaw was initially tapped to make an inventory of Saddam's conventional weapons stockpiles, based on intelligence estimates of arms deals he had concluded with the former Soviet Union, China and France.
 
He estimated that Saddam had amassed 100 million tons of munitions - roughly 60 percent of the entire U.S. arsenal. "The origins of these weapons were Russian, Chinese and French in declining order of magnitude, with the Russians holding the lion's share and the Chinese just edging out the French for second place."
 
But as Shaw's office increasingly got involved in ongoing intelligence to identify Iraqi weapons programs before the war, he also got "a flow of information from British contacts on the ground at the Syrian border and from London" via non-U.S. government contacts.
 
"The intelligence included multiple sitings of truck convoys, convoys going north to the Syrian border and returning empty," he said.

 

Shaw worked closely with Julian Walker, a former British ambassador who had decades of experience in Iraq, and an unnamed Ukranian-American who was directly plugged in to the head of Ukraine's intelligence service.

 

The Ukrainians were eager to provide the United States with documents from their own archives on Soviet arms transfers to Iraq and on ongoing Russian assistance to Saddam, to thank America for its help in securing Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union, Shaw said.
 
In addition to the convoys heading to Syria, Shaw said his contacts "provided information about steel drums with painted warnings that had been moved to a cellar of a hospital in Beirut."
 
But when Shaw passed on his information to the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and others within the U.S. intelligence community, he was stunned by their response.
 
"My report on the convoys was brushed off as ?Israeli disinformation,'" he said.
 
One month later, Shaw learned that the DIA general counsel complained to his own superiors that Shaw had eaten from the DIA "rice bowl." It was a Washington euphemism that meant he had commited the unpardonable sin of violating another agency's turf.
 
The CIA responded in even more diabolical fashion. "They trashed one of my Brits and tried to declare him persona non grata to the intelligence community," Shaw said. "We got constant indicators that Langley was aggressively trying to discredit both my Ukranian-American and me in Kiev," in addition to his other sources.
 
But Shaw's information had not originated from a casual contact. His Ukranian-American aid was a personal friend of David Nicholas, a Western ambassador in Kiev, and of Igor Smesko, head of Ukrainian intelligence.
 
Smesko had been a military attaché in Washington in the early 1990s when Ukraine first became independent and Dick Cheney was secretary of defense. "Smesko had told Cheney that when Ukraine became free of Russia he wanted to show his friendship for the United States."

 

Helping out on Iraq provided him with that occasion.
 
"Smesko had gotten to know Gen. James Clapper, now director of the Geospacial Intelligence Agency, but then head of DIA," Shaw said.

 

But it was Shaw's own friendship to the head of Britain's MI6 that brought it all together during a two-day meeting in London that included Smeshko's people, the MI6 contingent, and Clapper, who had been deputized by George Tenet to help work the issue of what happened to Iraq's WMD stockpiles.
 
In the end, here is what Shaw learned:
 

In December 2002, former Russian intelligence chief Yevgeni Primakov, a KGB general with long-standing ties to Saddam, came to Iraq and stayed until just before the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003.

 

Primakov supervised the execution of long-standing secret agreements, signed between Iraqi intelligence and the Russian GRU (military intelligence), that provided for clean-up operations to be conducted by Russian and Iraqi military personnel to remove WMDs, production materials and technical documentation from Iraq, so the regime could announce that Iraq was "WMD free."

 


Shaw said that this type GRU operation, known as "Sarandar," or "emergency exit," has long been familiar to U.S. intelligence officials from Soviet-bloc defectors as standard GRU practice.

 


In addition to the truck convoys, which carried Iraqi WMD to Syria and Lebanon in February and March 2003 "two Russian ships set sail from the (Iraqi) port of Umm Qasr headed for the Indian Ocean," where Shaw believes they "deep-sixed" additional stockpiles of Iraqi WMD from flooded bunkers in southern Iraq that were later discovered by U.S. military intelligence personnel.

 


The Russian "clean-up" operation was entrusted to a combination of GRU and Spetsnaz troops and Russian military and civilian personnel in Iraq "under the command of two experienced ex-Soviet generals, Colonel-General Vladislav Achatov and Colonel-General Igor Maltsev, both retired and posing as civilian commercial consultants."

 


Washington Times reporter Bill Gertz reported on Oct. 30, 2004, that Achatov and Maltsev had been photographed receiving medals from Iraqi Defense Minister Sultan Hashim Ahmed in a Baghdad building bombed by U.S. cruise missiles during the first U.S. air raids in early March 2003.

 


Shaw says he leaked the information about the two Russian generals and the clean-up operation to Gertz in October 2004 in an effort to "push back" against claims by Democrats that were orchestrated with CBS News to embarrass President Bush just one week before the November 2004 presidential election. The press sprang bogus claims that 377 tons of high explosives of use to Iraq's nuclear weapons program had "gone missing" after the U.S.-led liberation of Iraq, while ignoring intelligence of the Russian-orchestrated evacuation of Iraqi WMDs.

 


The two Russian generals "had visited Baghdad no fewer than 20 times in the preceding five to six years," Shaw revealed. U.S. intelligence knew "the identity and strength of the various Spetsnaz units, their dates of entry and exit in Iraq, and the fact that the effort (to clean up Iraq's WMD stockpiles) with a planning conference in Baku from which they flew to Baghdad."


The Baku conference, chaired by Russian Minister of Emergency Situations Sergei Shoigu, "laid out the plans for the Sarandar clean-up effort so that Shoigu could leave after the keynote speech for Baghdad to orchestrate the planning for the disposal of the WMD."

 


Subsequent intelligence reports showed that Russian Spetsnaz operatives "were now changing to civilian clothes from military/GRU garb," Shaw said. "The Russian denial of my revelations in late October 2004 included the statement that "only Russian civilians remained in Baghdad." That was the "only true statement" the Russians made, Shaw ironized.

 

The evacuation of Saddam's WMD to Syria and Lebanon "was an entirely controlled Russian GRU operation," Shaw said. "It was the brainchild of General Yevgenuy Primakov."
 
The goal of the clean-up was "to erase all trace of Russian involvement" in Saddam's WMD programs, and "was a masterpiece of military camouflage and deception."
 
Just as astonishing as the Russian clean-up operation were efforts by Bush administration appointees, including Defense Department spokesman Laurence DiRita, to smear Shaw and to cover up the intelligence information he brought to light.
 
"Larry DiRita made sure that this story would never grow legs," Shaw said. "He whispered sotto voce [quietly] to journalists that there was no substance to my information and that it was the product of an unbalanced mind."
 
Shaw suggested that the answer of why the Bush administration had systematically "ignored Russia's involvement" in evacuating Saddam's WMD stockpiles "could be much bigger than anyone has thought," but declined to speculate what exactly was involved.
 
Retired Air Force Lt. Gen. Thomas McInerney was less reticent. He thought the reason was Iran.
 
"With Iran moving faster than anyone thought in its nuclear programs," he told NewsMax, "the administration needed the Russians, the Chinese and the French, and was not interested in information that would make them look bad."
 
McInerney agreed that there was "clear evidence" that Saddam had WMD. "Jack Shaw showed when it left Iraq, and how."
 


















































Conspiracy theorists unite!!
 
You have only your brains to lose!
 
Come on, where's the evidence? anyone can make statements like these but without evidence, it just the ravings of a loony.


 
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